Et tu, AMLO?
David Agren, writing in the World Politics Review, asks “What’s Next for Andrés Manuel López Obrador?” . He comes not to praise AMLO, but to bury him:
… López Obrador unveiled a new theme for winning support during the upcoming third year of his running campaign of opposition: Rescuing the slumping “family economy,” and railing against the small band of business elites and the “political mafia” that he says control the country and which he blames for rigging the 2006 election.
The message went largely unheard, however. Fewer than 40,000 adherents marched through central Mexico City that day, a far cry from the estimated 300,000 that witnessed his coronation as the nation’s self-proclaimed “legitimate president” two years ago. And few from the PRD attended. Some marchers carried acerbic signs lampooning the new PRD leadership. Many others sported colors of the smaller Convergence and Labor parties, two left-wing parties that ran in a 2006 coalition with the PRD and have been unwavering in their support for López Obrador. Press coverage was scant.
López Obrador is seeking to remain relevant in 2009 by capitalizing on new crises, like the deteriorating economic situation that has sent the peso tumbling and prices soaring. But his constant protests and admonishments to eschew working with President Felipe Calderón are splitting the Mexican left and driving away potential supporters.
Agren is not one of AMLO’s supporters (and that’s ok), but I wouldn’t write the guy off so quickly, or dismiss him lightly. Besides, given the economic downturn that’s facing Mexico (and the rest of the planet), there’s that annoying fact that the guy was basically correct:
… according to Federico Estévez, political science professor at ITAM in Mexico City.
“He was betting that the Mexican economy would sink, and now it turns out that it may sink because of the world,” Estévez said. “It’s no longer an untenable strategic position.”
First, I’m not sure that a drop in attendance at rallies is any indication that the guy’s lost his relevance…. not when at least 10,000 voters have switched parties because of AMLO.
Secondly, with AMLO mostly cut off by the “mainstream media” — and what coverage he receives mostly limited to internet (which tends to reach a wealthier audience than the working class and poor who make up the bulk of his supporters) — and the daily pressures of making a living in this country, people are going to go on with their lives, and aren’t going to obsess over politics. At most, they’ll make a cynical joke and get on with supporting their family.
Third… I’m not so sure the political split in the leftist coalition is a bad thing. As I mentioned to David yesterday, the PRI has been moving back to it’s leftist roots under Beatriz Parades Rangel. With the PRD in a less confrontational position without AMLO, this may let the PRI and PRD work together on at least broad economic policy. And, while the PRD has always been the smallest of the major parties (and a fractious circular firing squad at that), it has dominated the Federal District much as the PRI once dominated the country. That is, it’s a very broad coalition, and only appears united at the highest level. On the street, there’s any number of squabbling factions.
For right now, this doesn’t seem probable, given new party chair Delores Padeirna’s decision that the PRD will NOT form coalitions. Ana Maria Salazar suggested on her Imagen radio program that she thinks this makes PRD appear more democratic, but — on a national level — it also means the party would be too small to effectively control legislation without a coalition partner. Right now the betting is that the small Social Democratic Party will eventually join PRD (they had been in talks about a possible merger before Padeirna’s announcement), but — depending on how well the PRD does in the 2009 congressional elections, I wouldn’t rule out a PRD-PRI center-left front in 2012.
For now, the PRD OWNS the Federal District. The other parties — even PAN, which has a smaller ideological spread to cover, and is very well organized and disciplined, cannot compete except in a few delegaciones. PRI is hapless and hopeless. This probably hasn’t been good for the PRD — or the voters — who are going to vote for a leftist party, but could use a little more democratic choice. By making Convergencia the “alternative leftist” party, at least in the Federal District, the parties will be forced to pay more attention to the candidates for local office, and — one hopes — give voters a genuine alternative and more attractive (politically and socially) choices. Or at least the option of selecting the lesser of two evils.
‘






This is a good critique – as always – and very welcome.
One thing to start: The PRD and PSD will not form an alliance. The United Left faction (Alejandro Encinas) recently forced the new party leadership to back off the idea. (PSD has regularly mocked AMLO and his movements, going back to Patricia Mercado, who ran for president on a non-AMLO-style politics agenda.)
AMLO is far from dead, but he’s hardly thriving. And during 2008 he showed brilliant instincts at times. He unfortunately overplayed his hand and suffered some bad luck.
PRD Senate leader Carlos Navarrete – not an AMLO ally – once told me that AMLO is a “patient hunter.”
AMLO waited for his shot and then unloaded on Calderon over energy reform and seriously wounded Calderon’s right hand, Juan Camilo Mouriño, by producing documents suggesting the interior secretary had previously steered Pemex contracts to family businesses. Mouriño never politically recovered.
Energy reform was going badly for Calderon – thus they sacked Santiago Creel as PAN Senate leader – and Mexico City Mayor Marcelo Ebrard later unveiling a “referendum” on the issue pushed the momentum to the opposition camp. The PRI was also getting somewhat uneasy about going with Calderon on a polemic issue.
But it all changed June 20 with the botched News Divine nightclub raid. Few people wanted to hear the PRD – the capital’s biggest political force – and AMLO promote a non-binding referendum when there were major policing problems. Then Fernando Mari was kidnapped and murdered. It got way too much coverage, but that fomented such outrage that energy reform was pushed to the back burner. AMLO also had nothing to really say on the issue since he had previously belittled similar outrage over kidnapping as coming from “spoiled rich kids.”
And, yes, the media – which he rightly complains about – played a large role in getting AMLO’s issue off the front pages.
By the time AMLO got talking about security it was too late. He unveiled plans at fiestas patrias in the Zocalo, but grenades tore through similar festivities in Morelia barely an hour later. Narco violence was reinforced as the main concern.
When energy reform negotiations got serious in October, the PRD senators – who are mostly AMLO opponents (AMLO has more support in the Chamber of Deputies) – started making deals. The product was ironically shaped by AMLO, but he couldn’t let go of his protests – and thus lost.
Now he’s smartly speaking about the economy – and it just might work. But things are beyond his control.
The Convergence and PT will be AMLO’s new political home, although Convergence is still more of a regional party under the sway of former Veracruz governor Dante Delgate than a national force.
I just fail to see grand support for AMLO. There is also an awful lot of buyers’ remorse on the part of former supporters. It’s interesting that so many people would tell me during trips to DF prior to the election how much they liked AMLO. Now, it’s tougher to find those people.
Great post, and great comment above.
I was in the DF in 2006 for the election, and was sorry to see AMLO lose (or have it stolen, what have you). I haven’t been following Mexican politics as closely as I once had, so it’s good to see what you all are thinking. I’ll be reading up more on this I hope!