2006: the inconvenient truth of an inconvenient woman
When I wrote Gods, Gachupines and Gringos, I was unconvinced that Felipe Calderón’s election to the Presidency was as legitimate as some critics (and even my editor) insisted. Although I can, with some justice, be called (as one Amazon.com reviewer put it), a “total lefty”, if I were in the future to write a second edition (don’t hold your breath) that included this present administration, there are some positive things that could be said about it: taking serious steps towards dealing with climate change, changes in the tax code and court system, and perhaps NOT being sucked into the U.S. financial disaster at the end of the Bush Administration (though that was more a result of having made financial regulatory changes after the Mexican financial melt-down of the early 1990s).
Calderón himself seems aware, though, that any discussion of his administration is not going to focus on those small steps (which — who knows? — may be seen as seminal ones in future histories) but on the “drug war”, which touched off a spiral of lawlessness, militarization and an erosion of civil rights. And — while it’s maybe us “total lefties” that have tied the administration’s prosecution of the “drug war” to an attempt to create legitimacy, questioning the legitimacy of Calderón’s election may not be out of the mainstream after all. The only question I would have in writing a hypothetical second edition would be whether or not I overlooked who may be the key figure in all this: Elba Esther Gordillo Morales.
Here I have been blithely assuming that the key figures in the 2006 election were the candidates, or at least the two main candidates, Calderón and López Obrador.
At the time, Gordillo — who in addition to her presidency of the teachers’ union, was a PRI Senator and a member of the Party’s Central Committee — had been purged in large part because of her close ties to Marta Fox and to Gordillo’s willingness to go against her own party’s platform in support of Fox Administration initiatives. After being tossed out of PRI, she set up PANAL, but was not that party’s candidate in 2006. PANAL received less than one percent of the national vote, but when López Obrador and his supporters contested the results, U.S. observers made the comparison to the Bush-Gore Presidential election of 2000. PANAL was not exactly analogous to the U.S. Green Party, which the Gore supporters suspected (rightly) was receiving help from Bush supporters to drain some support from Gore (it was assumed PANAL was designed to draw support away from PRI, which did extremely poorly in that election), but Gordillo was even more devious than we suspected.
Even if Calderón is seen in the future to have actually won (by less that half a percentage point), Gordillo is still the one who deserves the credit (or blame) for the result. It appears that PANAL was merely a devise for giving Gordillo (who by now was party chair) a legitimate “place at the table” in the electoral process, or to keep political operatives employed … paid through PANAL, but working for PAN.
Amazingly, this information comes not from some total lefty source, but from the editorially conservative (as in the regular columnists on Latin American affairs are Andres Openheimer, Jorge Castañeda and Mario Vargas Llosa) Madrid daily, El País. Demographer María de las Heras not only found that only 43 percent of Mexicans believe that fraud was not involved in the 2006 Presidental election (with 49 percent believing it was, and the rest unsure): the results coming from a poll about Gordillo’s political influence that followed her “cheerful” confession of having pedaled influence in the election to ensure her own continued political relevance.
To the surprise of friends and strangers alike, Professor Elba Esther Gordillo, leader of the National Union of Education Workers (SNTE), admitted openly and without embarrasment that in 2006 she negotiated electoral support with then candidate Felipe Calderon in return for a guaranteed number of government positions.
…
Five years after Calderón emerged victorious in the elections with only a 0.5% advantage, a high percentage (49%) of voters believe, rightly or not, that it was a Pyrrhic victory achieved by electoral fraud. Gordillo certainly does no favor by emerging as a key Calderón ally when she serenely confirms what was only suspected before: that she persuaded some PRI governors to tilt the election in favor of Calderon to the detriment of Andres Manuel López Obrador, who came up short a mere 250,000 votes.
(My translation, original article here)
Ms. de la Herda, notes that 59 percent of those surveyed feel Gordillo has had a baleful influence on the present government and that 63 percent believe that presidents should never trade government positions for electoral support. The pollster doesn’t see any immediate consequences for the 2012 election[*], but then… historically speaking (lefty or otherwise)… it’ll be around 2018 before there’s any way to know what it all means.
[*] Although this comment on the El País article, by “Miguel Angel G.” is probably typical of Mexican leftist (or at least pro-AMLO) reaction which may have some influence on voter thinking (or party propaganda) in 2012: again, my translation:
How pathetic is that today, 5 years after the monumental fraud of 2006 in which the PRI helped PAN to impose Calderón (23 years after PAN helped the PRI impose Salinas de Gortari) Mexican democracy is practically nonexistent. The real winner of the presidential election has been demonized, vilified and slandered to the point where some people have managed to impose a view of him that leads to genuine hatred of him, and of everything related to his supporter’s movement. The leadership of both parties have shattered the country, inventing a war to legitimize Calderón which has killed 40 000 people and caused thousands of disappearances, while trying to force through labor and social security reforms. We are promised continuity with the return of PRI (which in fact never went away) as a solution to all problems facing the country. Poor Mexico — so far from democracy, so close to fascism.






Professor Gordillo? Best I know, she was an elementary school teacher in Chiapas before she became the head Charra of the teacher’s union. She has made innumerable errors of speech and fact in her long career. She is kind of a combination of Sarah Paline and Michele Bachmann with an IQ just south of Tequila proof.
She has also amased a tremendous amount of “inexplicable” personal wealth.
Of course, should be Palin….
Gordillo was described in the El País article, and who am I to disagree? She’s promoted herself in so many ways, an academic promotion wouldn’t surprise me.
And, while I don’t think she’s been in a classroom in years, and neither have I, when I was a teaching I was addressed as “profesor”. .
All I can say is that in South Texas we do not address elementary school teachers as “Professor”. In Mexico, elementary school teachers are Maestros, unless they should happen to have a PhD and then they would Doctor. Why El Pais would refer to her as a “Profesora” is beyond me. I would assume plain ignorance of who she really is. Actually, I think “Presidenta” would be more appropriate.
We use the Italian word, “capo” for mobster chieftains, but I don’t think we could quite get away with “capa” 🙂 How about “caudilla”?
Just out, her own people are turning on her. Here is a little more reading on the “Senora”. I understand her mother is laid up in San Diego, along the coast in some 3 million dollar shack near La Jolla.
http://www.proceso.com.mx/?p=274973
Aqui esta la casa: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RB7SOtqaQCY&list=PLD4E2762A46F0FFBC
Te hablo a rato!!!
‘Profesor’ is used for all teachers, from elementary school to university. ‘Maestro’ is a synonym -according to usage-.
In fresa elementary schools though, female teachers can be called “miss”, and male teachers “teacher”. Or they simply can be addressed by their first names -they usually are from junior high to university, even if they have a PhD.
Only in the more formal and typically state supported places would a college professor be called ‘profesor’, ‘maestro’ or ‘doctor’, but like I said, ‘profesor’ and ‘maestro’ work for all levels.
As to why pick one instead of the other… high context culture: it depends on how you see the teacher/professor (equal? wise master? professional? servant?…) Calling Ms. G. a ‘profesora’ simply means she got a teaching degree.
Not to belabor this, but Mexicans STILL have a thing for titles, and I’m not the only one who, has discovered the advantage of “when in doubt, promote”. I call all soldiers “sargento” and all skilled workers “maestro” — even if I’m wrong, they´re flattered to be thought of as worthy of the title, and do their best to live up to expectations. When I was teaching in DF, I had a class early in the AM, and would have coffee afterwards right across from a military base. Having addressed the guy in a fancy uniform as “general” … got me a regular seat at the table with a couple of colonels and a major. And better service from Sanborn’s waitrons (besides a little inside knowledge of Mexican military life).
The Elba issue seems to be taking on a life of its own. Check out today’s La Jornada, 7/7.
However, as Rayuela says: Como dijo el clásico: en este país donde pasa de todo… nunca pasa nada.