Little Kangaroos
Lorena Diaz de Leon sends along her thoughts from Chicago —
Little Kangaroos
There is a growing trend of young, Central-American children crossing the border into Mexico. Many of these children are unaccompanied and leave their home country in hopes of either staying in Mexico to find meager employment or continue their trip to cross into the US. These children not only face the obstacles of having to survive the treacherous conditions of passing borders illegally, but once they have settled, they must struggle to find jobs such as selling gums and cigarettes on the streets. These “little kangaroos”–they are called this for they carry their tray of goods for sale across their fronts– are children that are either escaping worse circumstances at home or are attempting to reunite with their relatives. A majority of these youths are boys.
These children often stay in the border towns they cross into and the Mexican public has contrasting views on their stay for they feel that these children contribute to crime in the area. According to a study from the Catholic Relief Services, as many as 5,000 children crossed into Mexico, a dramatic rise from 2004 where only about 1,000 children migrated. These “little kangaroos” suffer deeply. They hunger for a better life yet to gain this they are exposed to the perils of a journey replete with exhaustion and abuse.
Ernesto (Ramirez) Alonzo, D.E.P.
Actor and pioneering telenovela producer Ernesto Ramirez Alonzo (he used only the apellido maternal professionally), died Tuesday at the age of 90. Born in Aguascalientes, on 28 February 1917, Alonzo was as much an intellectual as a entertainer.
Though he had worked with avant-garde artists like Luis Buñel (he played an inept murderer in Buñel’s 1955 Archibaldo de la Cruz), he made his mark by bringing the classic novela into the telenovela. To Alonzo, the television stories weren’t simple parables about good and evil or the triumph of vittue (or virtuous blonds), but quality stories.
As a young man, Alonzo had taken the Heathcliffe role in a Mexicanized version of Wuthering Heights, and he was highly conscious of the 19th century novel as the precusor to his own work. As he explained in a interviewer with Siempre in 1988, “The telenovela is nothing new… Balzac, Victor Hugo, wrote by chapters, they [dealt] with the same problems: love, hate, jealousy, intrigue, passion, crime. The problems are the same. What’s going to be changing is the world.”
With the possible exception of the very weird Cuna de lobos (in which the standard rich and evil matriarch of the family is not only a serial killer, she wears an elegant silk eyepatch), Alonzo brought the high standards of good storytelling and “real life” to an only somewhat fantastic version of mundane Mexican reality.
And, like Hugo, Alonzo realized history involved as much passion and drama as any other literary endeavor. It did not — and was not — boring. Greed, sex, ambition, faith and sometimes sheer kinkiness are all human emotions, and even the most revered of historical figures had their human side.
He taught a whole generation of Mexicans their own history (and some of us foreigners learned Spanish and history) with a series of historical telenovelas… Senda de Gloria, about the 1910-20 Revolution; Los Caduillos, set during the early War for Independence; and above all the epic 1997 La antorcha encendida, dealing with the compexities and ironies of the 1810-21 War for Independence. Although perfectly within the telenovela conventions — Antorcha focused on the twisted loves and hates of the fictional Soto and Foncerrada families — and their interactions with the real historical figures. Besides allowing Mexican popular actors to stretch (quite successfully in some instances — Sergio Reynosa, usually typecast as a gangster or tough guy stood out as the saintly tough guy, José Maria Morelos), it won acclaim from Mexican historians and teachers for its fidelity to historical accuracy — the mixed motives of the leaders and the people themselves drives much of the plot — and the care taken to film on the actual sites where events had happened nearly two centuries previously.
With mixed results, last year he produced another historical series, on the undramatic life and times of the poet and philosopher Sor Juana Inez de la Cruz.
Horace in the Ars Poetica, wrote the classic definition of literature. It must, he said, “instruct and delight.” By that 2000 year old standard, Alonzo made the humble, silly telenovela true literature.
Some good news for a change
Not exactly a “made for TV movie” ending, but I hope a made for a very large legal settlement ending…
A developmentally disabled U.S. citizen who was in the custody of the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department before he disappeared after wrongly being deported to Mexico earlier this year has been found, officials said today.
Pedro Guzman, 29, … is mildly mentally disabled and cannot read or write. He was arrested this year on charges of trespassing and allegedly spraying graffiti at an airplane junkyard
… on May 11, before his sentence was up, he called relatives from Tijuana and told them he had been deported.
… U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials denied that anything improper was done in deporting Guzman.
His mother, Maria Carbajal, a fast-food cook, left her job and lived at a fruit warehouse in Tijuana for weeks, spending the last of her savings looking for her son. …
Mexico’s forgotten WWII hero
Ever since I read a short article on Gilberto Bosques and posted the translation, I’ve been hooked. I can’t hope to compete with Steven Spielberg, but I’ve been wondering if the German industrialist shouldn’t have been known as the “German Bosques” instead of the mostly unknown (there isn’t even a Wikipedia entry on him) Bosques being know, if at all, as the “Mexican Schindler.”
Bosques, who had participated in the Revolution of 1910, had already done service as a solider, legislator and newspaper editor when he joined the Mexican diplomatic corps. Serving, not as ambassador, but only as Consul, of what was until 1942 a neutral country, he played an amazing, and unique, role in World War II.
Although he set out originally to rescue the Spanish Republicans (Mexico in all but name was a open ally of the Republic in their losing war against Franco) — and did so — he also managed to arrange for the exodus of the Jews and materially assist the anti-Nazi underground in France, Italy, Yugoslavia and Austria.
Personally, he is credited with saving somewhere between 30 and 40,000 people from extermination. But, almost no one has ever heard of the guy.
John Todd, Jr., sent a link to a short World War II oral history prepared for the Mexican Foreign Ministry and reprinted in the July-August 2003 Revista casa del tiempo (published by Universidad Autonomia de Mexico).
I’ve been having great fun translating it into English. Bosques rambles a bit, but then he was 96 when he sat down to record his statement, and he was talking about events nearly 50 years in the past. The memoir only deals with the period from the Fall of France to his exchange with German POWs in Mexico (the Mexican diplomatic corps and their dependents were prisoners of war from May 1942 to August 1944), and not with his second historical mission, to Cuba during the fall of Batista and through the Cuban Missile Crisis. While U.S. historians sometimes at least mention Mexico’s role as a back-channel negotiator with the Cubans, it was Bosques’ personal relations with Fidel Castro and Che Gueverra that allowed the situation to be resolved without arms.
I’ve found SOME information on Bosques wartime service published by the International Raul Wallenberg Foundation, and bits and pieces here and there. Between the Wallenberg material, and some general material on Mexico’s contributions to what they call “the war against the nazi-fascists” (Mexican historians tend to see the Spanish Civil War as part of the same struggle), the edited translation from Bosques is enough for a small booklet of maybe 24 pages.
I should have it available by September. I need to cover at least a few expenses, so I’ll put it out as an e-book for now, with a nominal cover price (20 -25 pesos) hoping that it is pirated by the “right sort of people.”
Here’s a rough cut of Bosques on how he stretched the definition of diplomatic asylum to cover the needs of the time:
The measures we took for the immediate relief of Spanish refuges were insufficient given the huge flow of exiles. The consulate arranged with the Marseille prefect to rent two chateaux, which we turned into asylums.
The Reynarde Chateau was a huge property, with an enormous expanse of grounds. It had been used by the English forces as a rest camp. They built the cabins which we later used. After the English fled, the castle had been occupied by a Vichy youth organization, fascists naturally, who destroyed everything they had. We repaired the building and – with the Prefect’s authorization and permission from the landlord – set to improving the property. The property already supported flocks of sheep and woods. We raised sheep, cut timber in the woods, built workshops and even installed a theater in the castle. On the other property, Chateau Montgrand, we were also careful to obtain authorization before making necessary alterations.
Thus, there were two places in Marseille, at Mennet and Sulevin where there was shelter for people in great danger. In Reynarde there were between 800 and 850 people, all of whom were in the greatest need of protection. To the consular community in Marseille, it represented an important test of the right to protect refugees. There were college students, magistrates, men of letters, business leaders as well as farm workers and factory hands. They all needed protection, were all dispirited, and were all in need of protection. To lift their fighting spirit, they organized an orchestra, and enjoyed the fiestas. They staged plays like La zapatera prodigiosa of Federico García Lorca and others Spanish dramatists. There were also sports leauges, a ballet, libraries, workshops, an infirmary and even an art gallery.
Montgrand housed 500 women and children. They had good food, and whenever possible, we provided a special diet, including things the French weren’t getting. There were playgrounds for the children, a medical corps of well-qualified pediatricians and a school. We looked at it as a rest home for the mental and physical recuperation of woman rescued from concentration camps. In the end, they all recovered, breathing hope, tranquility and optimism.
To provide this kind of assistance, we needed the support of a corps of outside employees. We only had thirty people in our own offices. We put Dr. Luis Lara Pardo in charge of health matters. We obtained permission from the French authorities to give medical attention in the rooming houses and hotels, were we had more Spanish refugees. We paid the hotels and rooming houses based on the number of families staying there. We also sent medical workers to the concentration camps and nurses to other parts of France. Our medical service counted on a corps of professionals, mostly Spaniards, to oversee the corps, infirmaries at Reynarde and Montgrand.
Along with this, we set up a law office to defend those people who the Spanish Government sought through diplomatic means to extradite. We counted on the services of a French lawyer, a former government minister, who gave us great service, and was exceedingly generous, especially in regard to his fees. We were assisted by a number of distinguished Spanish jurists. Out of ten extradition requests handled by us, we won ten.
We soon realized we also had to set up an employment bureau, because they were drafting the Spaniards into forced labor companies. We managed to get the French authorities to accredit our office to classify workers. At the time, there was a general mobilization in France, and manual laborers were being called up. So, if we could provide occupations for the Spaniards, they would not be sent to work camps in France or Germany. At the same time, to help the internees already in the French concentration camps, who were practically incomunicado. This called for unusual measures.
With the camps practically cut off from the outside world, we found alternatives. We managed to get some people out by providing transit visas to Mexico, or by transferring them to work at our facilities outside Marseilles. Since we didn’t have photographs to document some of these people, we set up a hidden studio in the consulate, where we processed the photos whenever we could get a person into the consulate – and prevent the authorities with coming up with some some pretext for postponing exit visas.
Getting prisoners out was laborious. They could leave via Marseille or Casablanca in Africa, but we had to get them there. It complicated things. We also needed to provide medical aid in the camps, and medicines, and sometimes monetary aid, were sent. We had to pay ransoms for some children, orphans for the most part, who were around the camps, living in deplorable conditions. In the winter we took in children who had frozen feet. Others were anemic. In the Pyrenees , we opened a rehabilitation center for these children, staffed by medical personnel, nurses and administrative staff. Mexico paid the expenses for supporting the eighty children, providing for their special diets and medical resources.
Well, as you can see, there was constant work, and no time for normal rest. All the employees contributed their concerted efficient and gave commendable service in performing the tasks at hand.
And he was just getting warmed up!
Span spin spun
If a bridge falls in Minesota, can you blame illegal aliens?
Maybe not completely, but Michael Newsom of the Biloxi (MS) Sun- Herald does a pretty good job of it.
The owner of Tarrasco Steel, a company that supplied workers on the Biloxi Bay Bridge, was arrested and charged with hiring illegal immigrants on projects in three states. Some had improper welding certification.
…
“There is a serious public safety concern when illegal aliens, who are not authorized to work in the country legally, and who do not possess valid welding certifications, are employed in the construction of bridges in our communities,” said Michael A. Holt, special agent in charge of the Customs Office of Investigations in New Orleans, in a news release.
Uhhhh… does this mean uncertified wielders who are citizens don’t endanger public safety?
Oh, you mean it’s illegal?
Crossing from Mexico into Texas, there was always a short stop in front of a State office, that everyone ignores. I wonder why.
REYNOSA — Smuggling cigarettes into the United States has become more popular due to a spike in cigarette taxes at the start of the year, officials say.
“A lot of (people) hide them in their car and don’t declare them,” said Alex de la Garza, the ports of entry supervisor for the Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission.
“Here at the (U.S.-Mexico) border, we try and catch them smuggling and take their merchandise away.”
Damn… you mean I was supposed to hide those cartons of Broadways I’d put in my backpack? I just stayed on the bus, and the feds didsn’t care about the Mexican cigarettes.
Five little Mexican guys you never want to piss off…
Julio Cesar Chavez. World titles held at super-featherweight, lightweight, junior-welterweight.
Ricardo Lopez. World titles held at minimum-weight, light-flyweight.
Erik Morales. World titles held at super-bantamweight, featherweight, super-featherweight.
Salvador Sanchez. World title held at featherweight.
Marco Antonio Barrera. World boxing titles held at super-bantamweight, featherweight, super-featherweight.
I might add Oscar de la Hoya, but it’s not my list. James Slater gives his reasons for naming these “The Five Greatest Mexican Fighters Of All-Time” at Eastsideboxing.com.
Julio Cesar… veni, vidi, vici by a knockout!
Eeewww… abstention in Oaxaca nearly 80% (UPDATE)
UPDATED MONDAY AM)
Oaxaca is reported to have had a “quiet” election. So far, PRI is receiving slightly less than half of those votes. Well, yeah… ballots were burned in La Ventosa and a reporter shot in Salina Cruz, which counts as an incident free election in that state. IEEO (Instituto Estatal Electoral de Oaxaca) early results show that only about 12 to 13% about 20% of the voters bothered to show up for the Legislative Elections.
PRI State Executive Committee spokesman Heliodoro Díaz Escárraga, argued that the low abstention rate was not meaningful saying “it’s not that people didn’t vote, it’s that those who did voted peacably” that was the mark of success. Preliminary results show PRI winning every one of the 25 directly elected Legislative seats.
Results posted Monday at 8 AM show PRI with 47.6%; “Benefit of All” (PRD-PT-Convengencia) with 27.5%; and PAN with 13%. I’m expecting the “usos y costumbres” votes will be mostly PRI votes. The State Legislature will probably have a few more PAN and PRD-PT-Convergencia proportionally selected delegates, but the home of Benito Juarez seems to have given up on electoral politics for now..
The Baja California IEE reports a 30-35% turnout. Both PRI gubernatorial candidate Jorge Hank and PAN’s José Osuna claim to have won. Most local papers are reporting Osuna won by anywhere between 4 and 10 percent.
The only surprise was in Aguascalientes. The Bajio state is ground zero for PAN, but it only appears to have won 5 of the 17 Legislative seats, with PRI taking the rest. Turnout here was about 45%
In what may be significant, several out of state members of the SNTE (the Teachers’ Union, headed by Esther Elba Gordilla, the “Señora Hoffa” of Mexican labor and former PRI Central Committee member, whose broke away to start her own party — PANAL) were detained for illegally trying to vote in Baja Calfornia. In BC, PANAL was part of PAN’s fusion ticket, though the PRI Executive Committee is considering whether or not to allow PANAL candidates to stand with PRI in future state elections.
Mad dog on the loose…
They ought to lock him up for massacring the Spanish language.
“Viva la Mexico!” was Dog the Bounty Hunter‘s response when a Mexican judge ruled Monday that the statute of limitations had expired on the kidnapping charge he was facing stemming from his 2003 capture of convicted rapist Andrew Luster.
Judge Jose Alberto Montes of the First Criminal Court in Jalisco, Mexico, then dismissed the case against Chapman. State prosecutors immediately appealed the decision, but a ruling isn’t expected for at least a few months.
(E! News)
I’ve received more comments about ex-con (and conman?) Duane Chapman than anything else I’ve ever written on. Alas, most is written by semi-literates without an inkling of what this was all about — things like international law, Civil Code, extradition, bail, etc. One person who got it all very right was bail bondsman and private eye Scott Harrell, who wrote on his website back in September 2006:
The simple answer is that [Chapman] arrested a very bad guy named Andrew Luster who was hiding out in Mexico in June of 2003. He was not terribly discreet about the apprehension having drug a film crew along with him and during the ensuing commotion (Chapman and his crew tend to create a great deal of noise, clamor and chaos wherever they tend to find a fugitive rather than being calm, well-collected and precise in their actions) and refusal to release the Max Factor heir into Mexican custody, he was arrested by Mexican law enforcement on a number of charges, chiefly illegal detention and conspiracy (their version of kidnapping charges).
The Mexican courts freed Duane Chapman and his two cohorts, Leland Chapman (son) and Timothy Chapman (not related), on bail pending his trial date which was set for July of 2003. Bail is the sum of money you pay to the courts to ensure your appearance at your trial.
Duane Chapman did not appear in Mexico for his court date and the Mexican Government has subsequently requested his arrest and extradition back to Mexico to face charges for what they consider a very serious crime; the kidnapping charge alone carries a jail term of not less than 10 years and up to 40 years in prison.
The U.S. routinely makes these same requests so there is nothing out of the ordinary here. It is not a result of some conspiracy hatched by the US or Mexican Governments. Neither government is jealous that he is making millions of dollars, or that he has put a couple dozen bail fugitives in jail. It’s not that hard to do in Hawaii… they don’t have far to run. This is simply the machinations of justice: Duane Chapman may have committed some very serious crimes in Mexico; they say he is a bail jumper and they want him back in order to stand trial.
Wall Street Journal supporting Mexican left?
Mexicans with drive, ambition and a willingness to take risks sneak across the border to the U.S. But they don’t just come for jobs. They also come for the capital. When these immigrants arrive they don’t just sell their labor, many start small businesses in the food, construction, maintenance and landscaping trades. When those businesses are launched, illegal Mexican immigrants hire other illegal Mexican immigrants. A great deal of Mexico’s job creation takes place inside the U.S.
So writes Joel Kurtzman in a source I very seldom quote – the Wall Street Journal. I agree with much of Kurtzman’s analysis of the problem, the impossibility of obtaining credit and capital for investment :
Mexico’s financial and economic structures fail at providing entrepreneurs with the capital they need to create jobs. The economy is too concentrated, with nearly half of it controlled by a single family — that of the billionaire Carlos Slim. A handful of other families own the bulk of Mexico’s remaining wealth. Mexico’s legal and business structures effectively fence off from competition whole sectors of the economy. In telecommunications, petroleum and much of the real-estate and tourism sectors, real competition is restricted. Mexico could jumpstart its job-creation engine by opening these sectors of its economy to real competition.
…
Mexico’s financial system is to entrepreneurship what sharks are to a swimmer’s beach. Banking, which is conservative and risk-averse, dominates Mexico’s financial system, accounting for about 55% of all financial assets, compared with just 24% of all financial assets in the U.S. In the U.S., the capital markets and a diverse array of funds provide most of the capital. If that weren’t enough, Mexico’s top three banks control 60% of all banking assets. If entrepreneurs are turned down by the first bank, they really have only two more places to apply. For a country its size, Mexico’s stock and bond markets are hugely underdeveloped when measured as a percentage of GDP.
Household credit is also scarce in Mexico and amounts to only about 5% of GDP, versus 65% in the U.S. Without access to credit, Mexico’s consumer and retail sectors have not grown sufficiently. These sectors could be vibrant job-creation engines if Mexicans had wider access to credit.
I disagree with his solution – allowing foreigners access to PEMEX, and markets. It’s exactly what the Fox and Calderón administrations have been trying to do, and what NAFTA was supposed to do, during which time emigration has skyrocketed.
Kurtzman complains that Mexican businesses are too concentrated. Agreed, but this was in the Wall Street Journal, after all. You get the sense that his idea of competition is Exxon v PEMEX or WalMart v Grupo Electra, not “Aborotes El Toro” v “Aborotes Guadalupe”. One thing he fails to note is that the emigrant remittances are largely responsible for those real competitive businesses. Remittances largely go either to education or to financing those very changaros and “biznes” ventures that create jobs and build a stable middle class.
It’s not that the giant businesses don’t have their uses. The U.S. press paid attention when Wal Mart de Mexico started offering banking services, though Grupo Electra’s Banco Azteca and chain-store banks throughout Latin America have been around for years.
Sure, I agree – monopolistic practices are under scrutiny now. Telecommunications will change in the next few years after the Supreme Court cleared the way for broader access to the airwaves. Mexico City’s investment in district-wide WiFi access is going to shake up the computer industry.
Ironically, it is the left that’s pushing the Calderón administration to start talking about correcting the monopolistic practices of the past and about changing the laws to make credit more widely available. Of course, access to credit means coming up with money. But, there’s no reason to suppose the investments must come from the usual foreign sources. Argentina’s president just in Mexico last week with an important trade agreement on automotive parts. Brazil’s Lula da Silva on a sales trip this week, peddling Brazilian ethanol. Lula is reported NOT discussing Mercosur, saying Mexico tied itself to North America, but there too, the left’s proposal to renegotiate NAFTA, and the recognition that some ties outside Mercosur (most likely through Banco del Sur).
I see more and more that the Mexican left ‘s prescriptions for economic improvement – expanded ties to South America, more credit for small business and a focus on internal markets — are what is likely to be followed.
¿Quién sabe? Elections in Oaxaca, Baja California
We’re well within the three-day blackout period for Mexican election reporting. Unlike the U.S., Mexico forbids any last minute campaigning or election eve opinion polls. Fox News, the BBC and Star were blocked out of Mexico during the last Presidential elections for failing to black out their reports coming into Mexico, and in Baja, two newspapers may be fined for printing “candidate profiles” in their weekend editions.
So, it’s hard to say what’s going to happen, other than there will be an election tomorrow. Zeta magazine’s last report before the blackout predicted a very low turnout in Baja, estimating only 37% of voters would go to the polls. Although there are five candidates for Governor, it has come down to a very close (and unpredictable) race between PRI-Green candidate Jorge Hank Rhon and PAN’s José Guadalupe Osuna Millán.
Osuna is an economist, and PAN has controlled the state for several years. Hank is a … uh… “colorful” figure. Hank’s father, Carlos Hank Gonzales, an old guard PRI leader, is best remembered for his remark, “a politician who is poor is a poor politician.” Jorge is a chip off the old block — a billionaire (his legitimate business is betting parlors) with alleged ties to organized crime (his bodyguards are implicated in several murderers, including those of journalists) eccentric with 18 known children. He attributes his political success to his virility, and his virility to his morning dose of tequila and rattlesnake venom, stirred (not shaken) with a lion’s penis.
The Governorship in Oaxaca is not on the ballot, but the Governor is the focus of the election for state legislature. I translated this report from Jornada:
Oaxaca, Oax. There is a climate of tension and growing uncertainty the day before elections for the local Congress in this south Mexican state. The elections follow a year of conflict between the state government and organizations opposing it. A recent bomb explosion at a shopping center, attributed to the Ejército Popular Revolucionario (EPR), has added to the tension.
According to information from the State Elections Institute (Instituto Estatal Electoral (IEE)), there are 2,383,667 voters in Oaxaca’s 570 municipios. The state is divided into 25 legislative districts, in which the candidate with the largest relative majority of votes is the winner. The remainder is chosen by proportional representation over 17 districts within the state.
The 4,576 polling stations will have 32,032 citizens selected as voting officials [trans. Note: polling station workers are drafted, much as juries are in the United States, from the voter rolls]. In addition there will be 2,499 accredited observers, according to the IEE.
In this contest, the PRI is allied with the Green Party (Partido Verde Ecologista de México) under the fusion ticket , La Alianza que Construye; the PRD is heading the coalition Por el Bien de Todos, which includes the Workers’ (Partido del Trabajo) and Convergencia parties. PAN, Nueva Aliaza and the local Unidad Popular are running single party tickets.
In the present legislature, the PRI has a majority in the now 59 seat legislature, with 23 Deputies. PRD has 8; PAN 7 and Convergencia, Green, Workers and Unidad Popular one each.
Florentino López Martínez, spokesman for the Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca (APPO), the organization which, together with the teachers’ groups is calling for Goveror Ulises Ruiz to step down, said that his group is keeping up its campaign to vote against PRI and PAN, which they consider repressors of the dissident movement.
“The APPO urges the people to go to the polls and vote neither for PRI nor for PAN. Oaxaca will be grateful,” he said, adding :
“We must be organized this Sunday. Our community is fighting a battle to overthow the tyrant (a reference to the governor) and we are all allies in that struggle.”
For his part, Secretary of Citizen Protection, Sergio Segreste said he has launched “Operation Elections 2007”, which involves “permanent surveillance of all parts of the state, and, specifically in the Capital, patrols in commercial areas, and around banks, stores, foreign companies, radio stations and newspaper offices.”
¡Oy Vey… Andale!
You can get anything you want in Mexico City, if you really look — and, if you really, really look, almost anything on the internet…
A thread on the Lonely Planet’s Mexico Message Board asking about Kosher food in Mexico, led someone to a Kosher restaurant database which led to this discovery:
I always knew there were Kosher restaurants and groceries (mostly in Polanco, whether the Russian-Arab-Mexican puestos around Merced count, I don’t know) but a Kosher taco stand?
That ain’t just chopped liver.







